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Constructing National Interests: The United States and the by Jutta Weldes

By Jutta Weldes

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Extra resources for Constructing National Interests: The United States and the Cuban Missile Crisis (Borderlines series)

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Beyond initiating these concrete defensive measures, Kennedy also announced that the United States would “regard any nuclear missile launched from Cuba against any nation in the Western Hemisphere as an attack by the Soviet Union on the United States, requiring a full retaliatory response upon the Soviet Union” (Kennedy, 1962c: 7–8). “This latest Soviet threat,” he declared, “must and will be met with determination. Any hostile move anywhere in the world against the safety and freedom of peoples to whom we are committed—including in particular the brave people of West Berlin—will be met by whatever action is needed” (10).

Being sent to Cuba from the Soviet Union at the request of the Cuban government in connection with the threats by aggressive imperialist circles. . The arms and military equipment sent to Cuba are intended solely for defensive purposes. . If normal diplomatic and trade relations were established between the United States of America and Cuba, there would be no need for Cuba to strengthen her defense capacity, her armed forces. (“TASS statement on aid to Cuba,” 1962: 14–15) In sending arms, including nuclear missiles, to Cuba, the Soviet Union was assisting it in defending its sovereignty and independence in the face of external aggression.

In addition, the United States continued its surveillance overflights until well into November. In the Cuban view, in other words, the events of October 1962 were “a rather open attempt to representing missiles in cuba · 37 disarm Cuba” (Lev Mendeleevitch, in Allyn, Blight, and Welch, 1992: 35) that persisted into November 1962. The October crisis thus did not end on October 28. Instead, the immediate crisis slowly wound down, as Castro put it, as things became “a little better” toward “the end of the year” (1992: 343).

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