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Hen they forced through a line designed to support Roosevelt in essence and yet avoid an open collision with antiwar workers and farmers. In the election platform adopted by the convention， for example， not a word was said in support of the Ludlow amendment. A vague declaration against increased arma ment was thrown in， but nothing was added about the reasons for the military policy emanating from the White House. Cooperation with “all forces genuinely seeking peace" was advocated， the FLP machine obviously intend ing to include Roosevelt in that category.
An understanding was then reached that the Democrats would lend indirect aid to Farmer-Labor candidates in M innesota， provided the FLP supported their presidential ticket. Everything had been neat1y handled by the conservative political generals， except for one matter. The convention had alienated a great many workers. In Minneapolis， es pecially， trade unionists were abandoning hope in the FLP， and they were showing heightened interest in building a new political formation. Those developments indicated the likelihood that an independent labor ticket could again be nominated in the 1941 city election， thereby giving a fresh impulse to formal organization of a labor party based upon-and controlled by-the trade unions.
Possibilities of influencing Communist Party members also seemed to exist at the time. τhe CP had recruited thousands of workers， especially CIO members in basic industry， and not all of them had been fully Stalinized. With the switch in party line after the Soviet- German pact was signed， many became enthused at the prospect of conducting a struggle against i mperialist war. If we had solidarized ourselves with those workers in that effort， through critical support to Browder， some would most likely have taken a more open-minded attitude toward us.